Small Wars & Insurgencies
Volume 31, 2020 – Issue 3
This paper aims to contribute to understanding how the last flagship magazine of the Islamic State – “Rumiyah” – attempted to influence and manipulate Internet users. Its primary objective is to analyze the propaganda methods exploited in all thirteen issues of this magazine. In order to do so this paper utilises content analysis to investigate “propaganda devices”, a concept developed by the American Institute for Propaganda Analysis. It argues that there were four predominant groups of propaganda devices exploited in this magazine. Two of them, i.e. name-calling and glittering generalities, were utilized to create and promote an artificial, black-and-white vision of the world, composed of the “camp of kufr” (camp of disbelief) and the “camp of iman” (camp of faith), embodied by the Islamic State. The third leading propaganda method, transfer, attempted to legitimize the actions and agenda of the “Caliphate” by using the authority of not only Allah, but also the Prophet Muhammad, his companions (Sahabah), as well as selectively chosen Islamic scholars. Finally, the bandwagon served as a means of creating a sense of community between the editors and readers. Other propaganda devices, such as testimonial or plain folks, played strictly secondary roles in the narration of the magazine.
Journal for the Study of Religions and Ideologies
iss. 55, s. 34-52
The source literature shows two trends in research on social consequences of religious engagement. On the one hand, researchers argue that religiosity strengthens social competence and the mechanisms of communal activity; on the other hand, many studies show that religious activity reduces the level of social capital. The study presented in this article is an attempt of search for links between religiosity and populist attitudes. The concept of populism used in the study refers to an individual’s social functioning and their perception of the sphere of politics. The search for the directions of correlation of populist attitudes and religiosity was based on an attempt to identify types of people with different (but internally homogeneous) relationships between the key variables. We found three homogeneous clusters and named them with reference to the elements prevailing in each one: religious, moderate, and populist. The analysis showed that religiosity is not a moderator of creating populist attitudes in Poland. To the contrary, by co-occurring with lower levels of populism, religiosity may serve as a kind of umbrella protecting people from populist attitudes. Our analysis supports the views of researchers who argue that religiosity is related to the pro-social element.
Journal of Strategic Security Volume 13 Number 2, 2020, pp. 1-18
The aim of the article is to analyze and characterize the use of cooperation with the unrecognized Pridnestrovian Moldavian Republic by the Russian Federation to strengthen its position in the competition for power with the states of the euoratlantic space. During the initiated research, research methods and techniques characteristic of qualitative research were used, e.g. analysis of documents and statements of leading political decision-makers from Russia and Transnistria. The results of the research unequivocally show that strengthening the statehood of the parastatal state is one of the instruments of the Russian Federation, thanks to which it pursues its strategic goal – maintaining the position of a hegemon in the post-Soviet area, which strengthens its adaptability in strategic competition with the West for power. The functioning of the pro-Russian Transnistria in the composition of Moldova enables Russia to influence the policy of this country, exerting pressure and preventing it from dynamising the process of integration with Euro-Atlantic structures (primarily with the European Union), while retaining it in its traditional sphere of influence.
Treść artykułu: tutaj.
Central Asia and the Caucasus Volume 21 Issue 2, 2020, pp. 66-75
The article aims to analyze and characterize changes in Armenia’s domestic policy initiated by the reform government led by Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan. In the course of research, the emphasis was placed on the presentation of such issues as the fight against corruption, the reform of the tax system, the fight against poverty and the reform of the judiciary system. It was also extremely important to present the short-term implications of the implemented measures and to discuss the attitude of the society towards the executed reforms, as well as public support for the operations of new political forces. In the light of the results of the research, it is clear that the activity of the post-revolutionary government has significantly changed the domestic policy vector of Armenia, bringing the country closer to meeting international democratic standards and strengthening the economic sector.
PROBLEMY EKOROZWOJU –PROBLEMS OF SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT2020, 15(2), 111-119
The urban smog has negative global effects. They are expressed in the increased mortality of people, an increase scale of respiratory diseases as well as climate changes causing negative effects in the field of agricultural crops, which results in an increase in food prices. The occurrence of these phenomena mobilizes the global community to conduct activities aimed at limiting their occurrence. Medium-sized cities can play a significant role in this respect.Theelement conditioning the life of city dwellers is the appropriate condition of the natural environment. In Polish and Slovak conditions, smog is becoming a problem, which negatively affects the health of citizens of these coun-tries. Therefore, actions aretaken to limit the occurrence of this phenomenon. They are described in the current ecological policy of both countries.This article tries to show on the example of the Polish commune of Mikołów and the Slovak commune of Żylina the actions taken in them to reduce air pollution and thereby reduce the phenomenon of smog. In both analysed cities, measures taken to reduce the phenomenon of smog are implemented in a planned manner and may be an inspiration for other medium-sized cities in the world having air quality problems.
European Journal of Science and Theology
Vol. 16, no. 1. luty 2020 r.
The phenomenon of migration, especially its most difficult aspect, i.e. refugeeism, has become one of the most serious political and social challenges in recent years. Migration is caused by the search for better living conditions, political repression and refugees, as a result of long-lasting war conflicts that have resulted in thousands of deaths. The huge number of people arriving on the shores of the old continent is causing many serious consequences. Migration can be considered as a humanitarian, political, socio-economic, demographic, cultural and civilization problem, as well as a religious and moral one. In this last context, the views of Pope Francis are of particular importance, who, full of understanding for the complex nature of migration, identifies the presence of migrants in Europe with a source of mutual enrichment for the common good.
Communist and Post-Communist Studies 53 (2), 61–75, 2020
The aim of the article is to analyze and characterize the influence of the Russian Federation on the security of Moldova through cooperation with the nonrecognized Pridnestrovian Moldavian Republic (PMR). My research hypothesis is that the Russian Federation, through its multifaceted (time-varying) support to Transnistria, strengthens its pro-Russian character, thus making it an effective instrument for influencing Moldova’s security. The research used methods characteristic for qualitative research, such as analysis and interpretation of documents of the Republic of Moldova and statements of leading Moldovan and Transnistrian politicians. The results of the research indicate that the Russian Federation’s support of Transnistria with military and nonmilitary means in order to exert pressure on Moldova. The para-state is a convenient tool for influencing the shape of security policy created by Moldovan decision makers in order to undermine Moldova’s aspirations to participate in Euro-Atlantic structures, for example, the European Union, and maintain it as part of Russia’s traditional sphere of influence. The measures taken by the Russian side reduce Moldova’s security, while posing a challenge to maintaining regional security in the long term.
Przegląd Sejmowy 3/2020
Jednym z podstawowych wyzwań, z którymi muszą się zmierzyć polityczni decydenci, jest odpowiednie skonstruowanie systemu władzy państwowej. Jego właściwe zorganizowanie powinno zabezpieczać przed dwoma niepożądanymi, skrajnymi sytuacjami: tyranią i anarchią. Dlatego za jedną z kluczowych zasad ustrojowych we współczesnych demokracjach uznawany jest podział władzy. Zasada ta jest mocno osadzona w tradycji badań nad instytucjami. W artykule podjęto próbę jej ukazania zgodnie z podejściem neoinstytucjonalnym. Punktem odniesienia jest koncepcja veto players, szczególnie przydatna w analizie funkcjonalnie ujmowanego podziału władzy. Pozwala ona dostrzec, że prawne usankcjonowanie tej zasady jest niewystarczającym zabezpieczeniem przed nadmierną kumulacją władzy przez jednego aktora politycznego. Jej efektywność uzależniona jest bowiem także od pozainstytucjonalnych czynników determinujących rywalizację polityczną.
Central Asia and the Caucasus Volume 21 Issue 2, 2020,
The year 2019 marks the tenth anniver-sary of the inauguration of the EasternPartnership program that targets the six South Caucasian and Eastern Europe coun-tries that border the European Union: Arme-nia, Azerbaijan, Belarus, Georgia, Moldova, and Ukraine. The program’s main objective was to bring the eastern neighbors closer to the European Union, transfer good practic-es, develop trade, economy and political ar-rangements and to help eastern partners in their democratic transitions and in imple-menting reforms. The main aim of this article is to present the effects of the program on EaP countries and on the European Union’s policy towards the East, as well as the main determinants of this program implementa-tion— both internal and external. The author analyzes the most important external factors in EaP countries’ foreign policy, especially Russian policy towards the former Soviet Union and EU’s eastern policy in order to point out the basic dilemma and challenge for the EaP countries’ foreign policy: The European Union’s offer vs Russia’s offer. The author also investigates the most impor-tant internal factors that determine each country’s approach to the EaP program and the probability of its implementation. First and foremost, these factors include the in-terests of the ruling elites of the EaP coun-tries that are determined by political calcula-tion, social support and unresolved internal conflicts that affect regional relations.
Interdisciplinary Science Reviews, Volume 45, 2020 – Issue 4
The study of political attitudes and behaviours is important from a cognitive point of view and carries considerable practical implications. Therefore, researchers should consider the widest possible spectrum of factors determining the participation of individuals in politics. Their analyses, however, are usually limited to the effects of environmental factors, ignoring or marginalizing the impact of genetic factors. An approach called ‘genopolitics’ has been trying to fill the resulting knowledge gap for over a decade. The aim of this article is to provide a synthetic description of genopolitics based on institutional, methodological, epistemological and social criteria. The main points of consideration are the assessment of the explanatory utility of genopolitical research, as well as the analysis of the cognitive and non-cognitive conditions and barriers to the development of genopolitics.
Social Evolution and History 19(2): 98-114, November 2020
Political participation is a key political phenomenon. Each year, we see the publication of many analyses describing and explaining the behaviours through which citizens nowadays seek to influence politics. Typically, researchers focus on the environmental conditions for the behaviours in question, ignoring the effects of genetic factors. The resulting knowledge gap is filled by genopolitical research. This line of research is highly controversial and deals primarily with candidate gene studies. The aim of this article is to present key theoretical and methodological issues concerning genetic explanations of political participation. The paper analyses selected studies suggesting a genetic base for political behaviours, identifies methodological difficulties faced by researchers bringing together knowledge from the fields of molecular genetics, behavioural genetics and political science, and discusses non-scientific arguments against genetic explanations of political participation. Despite numerous doubts, of both scientific and non-scientific nature, expanding our knowledge base regarding political behaviours requires research combining different theoretical and methodological perspectives. For effective interdisciplinary cooperation to become a reality, it is necessary to aim at bridging the traditional divisions and animosities between representatives of different scientific disciplines and to develop institutional mechanisms for the more effective formation of interdisciplinary research teams.
Nationalities Papers, The Journal of Nationalism and Ethnicity, 2020, pp. 1-19
The turn of the 20th century experienced an intensification of processes that strengthened Silesian identity, which became an important element of political debate in the region. This was reflected in the emergence of a growing number of entities that placed Silesian issues among their priority objectives and defined themselves as representatives of the interests of Silesia and Silesians. The aim of the study was to verify the political representative potential of groups in Upper Silesia. We accepted the hypothesis that the stronger the identity of a particular group (regional or national) the greater the probability that entities placing fundamental objectives strictly within the scope of regional issues should enjoy broad support in the region, and such entities consequently should be perceived as political representatives of the group. A study conducted using the categorized interview method (N=54) proves quite clearly that Silesians are unable to identify entities on the regional political scene that could represent them sufficiently. The determinants of this state of affairs are found not only in the negative actions of political entities but also in the absence of a clear vision of representation, which could constitute a basis for the formulated expectations of Silesians.
Nationalities Papers, The Journal of Nationalism and Ethnicity, 2020, pp. 1-23
Ethnoregionalist movements across Western Europe are gaining scholarly attention. Central European states usually have limited places in those studies. Still, in Polish Upper Silesia, ethnoregionalist movements have been present since 1989 and have stable support from the inhabitants of the region. Since at least 2002, ethnoregionalists have attempted to secure political representation among the Upper Silesians. Recently registered parties have used the ethnic identity of this minority group as the main tool to gain support in political elections in the region. This article applies social science and political science perspectives to the politicization of ethnicity. These equip the researcher to answer the question: How has Silesian ethnic identity become politicized? In responding, the researcher explores the consequences of the emergence of the ethnoregionalist movement in Upper Silesia.
Asian Affairs – 2020, Volume 51, 2020 – Issue 4, s. 761-778
The article explores the political and diplomatic response from Kazakh and Kyrgyz governments towards China regarding its post-2014 Xinjiang security strategy. The policy, which includes repressive measures against Xinjiang Muslim minorities, has led to the detention of a significant number of ethnic Kazakh and Kyrgyz, thus calling for a reaction from their kin states. In order to explain the complexity of the problem, the article looks via a neorealist lens at the role of Kazakh and Kyrgyz human rights advocacy groups in urging local authorities to securely release ethnic Kazakh and Kyrgyz detained in Xinjiang’s “vocational camps”. It further explores official responses from Kazakh and Kyrgyz governments, identifying their considerations and foreign policy choices. This article concludes that Kazakh and Kyrgyz governments neither possess economic and political leverage to press on China over the Xinjiang issue nor are they willing to do so as this may jeopardize their cooperation with China.