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Uniwersytet Śląski w Katowicach

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A. Turska-Kawa, P. Csanyi, R. Kucharci: From the "rally 'rou(...) A. Turska-Kawa, P. Csanyi, R. Kucharci: From the "rally 'round the flag" effect to a social crisis of confidence : Poland and Slovakia in the first year of the covid-19 pandemic

J. Comp. Polit. – 2022, nr 1, s. 20-38

The pandemic COVID-19 became a challenge for both societies and governments. While most countries and citizens reacted similarly to the unknown strength of the virus at the start of the pandemic, the situation in each country began to vary more and more each month. Poland and Slovakia are interesting cases in this context. One year after the WHO declared a pandemic, these countries are experiencing one of the worst crises in history. In Poland, despite the initial social mobilisation, after a very short time, many government decisions ceased to be perceived as protecting citizens. In the first period of the pandemic, the Slovak government coped with the situation much better, which changed significantly in the autumn of 2020. The article aims to analyse how an active “rally ’round the flag” effect and the resulting natural potential for social mobilisation to fight the pandemic were wasted in Poland and Slovakia due to irresponsible political decisions undermining the citizens ‘trust in the governments’ good intentions
A. Turska-Kawa, I. Pilch: Political beliefs and the acceptan(...) A. Turska-Kawa, I. Pilch: Political beliefs and the acceptance of the SARS-CoV-2 pandemic restrictions. The case of Poland

PLOS ONE

Public Library of Science

Published: March 1, 2022

DOI: https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0264502

 

Abstract

We investigated the relationships between political beliefs regarding two aspects of the right-left distinction (cultural and economic) and the acceptance of the pandemic restrictions using variable-centred and person-centred approaches. The community sample consisted of 305 participants. Four groups of the restrictions were considered. Religious fundamentalism predicted positively the acceptance of the restrictions associated with the limitations of labour rights and those limiting civil rights without a direct impact on safety. Anti-welfare negatively predicted the acceptance of the restrictions regarding social distancing and those limiting civil rights and increasing safety. These associations were discussed in relation to basic needs and values which motivate persons who endorse right-wing or left-wing political views. The latent profile analysis revealed three profiles of political beliefs, which were termed “Conservative Statists,” “Liberal Laissez-fairists,” and “Conservative Laissez-fairists.” The profiles differed in terms of acceptance of the pandemic restrictions, and the patterns of these relationships were different for particular groups of restrictions.

 

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M. Lakomy: Why Do Online Countering Violent Extremism Strate(...) M. Lakomy: Why Do Online Countering Violent Extremism Strategies Not Work? The Case of Digital Jihad

Terrorism and Political Violence

Latest Articles

Published: March 17, 2022

DOI: https://doi.org/10.1080/09546553.2022.2038575

This article discusses the reasons why content moderation and control in cyberspace, being a primary means of online countering violent extremism (CVE), does not work as intended. It makes four main arguments. Firstly, despite years of efforts from CVE stakeholders, the propaganda of militant Islamist VEOs is still easily accessible on the Internet. This study has mapped hundreds of addresses engaged in digital jihadist activities at the turn of 2020–2021. It effectively proves that the current approach to online CVE brought few tangible effects. Secondly, these programs have been unevenly applied to militant Islamist organizations. There have been groups which represent violent extremist ideology but are not actively combated by stakeholders. As a result, these groups have been able to establish a solid foothold on the surface web. Thirdly, the efficiency of CVE strategies based on content takedowns are decreased by the relative ease of terrorists reestablishing banned communication channels, the availability of vast alternatives for online propaganda dissemination, the introduction of impractical legislation by governments, overlapping jurisdictions on the Internet and the “Streisand effect.” Finally, adequate strategies aimed at curbing digital jihad should be primarily based on offline and online activities which fall outside of the remit of CVE.

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W. Wojtasik, D. Tatarczyk: The Incumbency Advantage during t(...) W. Wojtasik, D. Tatarczyk: The Incumbency Advantage during the COVID-19 Pandemic: Examining the 2020 Polish Presidential Election
East European Politics and Societies and Cultures
First Published March 25, 2022
DOI: https://doi.org/10.1177/08883254221085307

This article analyzes how the 2020 Polish Presidential election was affected by the recent COVID-19 pandemic in the context of global democratic backsliding. Specifically, this article examines how the incumbency advantage of President Andrzej Duda was bolstered during the pandemic by the ruling Law and Justice party (PiS). Although PiS was unable to carry out every planned electoral manipulation, the party nonetheless helped Duda secure a second term in office in a historically close election. On the one hand, this article illustrates that while many of the tactics undertaken by PiS were within the limits of the letter of the law, its actions still undermined the spirit of Polish democracy. On the other hand, this article also contributes to the literature on democratic backsliding by underscoring the fact that the election in Poland was free and fair, which makes this regime qualitatively different from other cases in the region.

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T. Kubin: Luddites of the Twenty-First Century? The Influenc(...) T. Kubin: Luddites of the Twenty-First Century? The Influence of Trade Unions in Hard Coal Mining on Sector Reforms in Poland and the Czech Republic

East European Politics and Societies and Cultures

First Published January 28, 2022

DOI: https://doi.org/10.1177/08883254211070853

There are only two European Union (EU) states where hard coal is still mined: Poland and the Czech Republic. One of the key interest groups in the hard coal mining industry are trade unions. They are particularly strong in this sector, almost entirely controlled by the state, in Poland—without their approval, it is in fact impossible to implement any significant reforms. The main goal of the article is to explain the influence of trade unions operating in the hard coal mining sector in Poland and the Czech Republic on the results of the reforms of this sector carried out in 2015–2019. The framework for empirical analysis is the theoretical output on interest groups and the power resources approach. Measuring the influence of an interest group on the decision-making process is one of the greatest challenges in research on interest groups. However, the empirical analysis allows us to conclude that the purposes of mining trade unions both in Poland and in the Czech Republic were consistent, that the shape of the reforms introduced in 2015–2019 was convergent with these goals, and that the activity of trade unions had a very big impact on these reforms. However, in the long run, hard coal mining in Europe is in decline and trade unions are only trying to stop what is inevitable.

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M. Wajzer: On Leszek Nowak’s Conception of the Unity of Sc(...) M. Wajzer: On Leszek Nowak’s Conception of the Unity of Science

Foundations of Science

Published:

DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/s10699-022-09843-3

Abstract

The purpose of this essay is to present and analyse the basic assumptions of Leszek Nowak’s conception of the unity of science. According to Nowak, the unity of science is manifested in the common application of the method of idealisation in scientific research. In accordance with his conception, regardless of the discipline they represent, researchers go through the same stages in building a theory. Two key ones among them are: introducing idealising assumptions into the representation and then their concretisation. In this view, idealisation is the basis of the scientific method, while other cognitive procedures complement it. Nowak’s conception has particular relevance in the context of the dispute between naturalism and anti-naturalism and in the context of the continuing rift between social scientists and natural scientists. It calls into question the anti-naturalist thesis of the ontological uniqueness of social sciences and the resulting methodological consequences. I argue that Nowak’s conception is a cognitively valuable contribution to the contemporary epistemology of science, but it also has weaknesses, mainly due to the limitations of applying the idealisation-concretisation scheme in research practice. For it turns out, as I point out in this essay, that many idealising assumptions are not subject to concretisation and that concretisations do not always condition an increase in the explanatory and/or predictive power of the representations.

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A. Turska-Kawa, R. Glajcar: "All Parties Treat Silesians Ins(...) A. Turska-Kawa, R. Glajcar: "All Parties Treat Silesians Instrumentally": On Political Representation at the Regional Level

Nationalities papers

DOI:10.1017/nps.2020.45

Abstract

The turn of the 20th century experienced an intensification of processes that strengthened Silesian identity, which became an important element of political debate in the region. This was reflected in the emergence of a growing number of entities that placed Silesian issues among their priority objectives and defined themselves as representatives of the interests of Silesia and Silesians. The aim of the study was to verify the political representative potential of groups in Upper Silesia. We accepted the hypothesis that the stronger the identity of a particular group (regional or national) the greater the probability that entities placing fundamental objectives strictly within the scope of regional issues should enjoy broad support in the region, and such entities consequently should be perceived as political representatives of the group. A study conducted using the categorized interview method (N=54) proves quite clearly that Silesians are unable to identify entities on the regional political scene that could represent them sufficiently. The determinants of this state of affairs are found not only in the negative actions of political entities but also in the absence of a clear vision of representation, which could constitute a basis for the formulated expectations of Silesians.

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N. Stępień-Lampa, P. Grzywna, E. Turska: Attitudes towards(...) N. Stępień-Lampa, P. Grzywna, E. Turska: Attitudes towards faith among inhabitants of Poland and Hungary: moderating role of age, education and place of residence

European Journal of Science and Theology

Abstract

The paper addresses the aspect of attitudes towards faith among inhabitants of Poland and Hungary. These particular two Central and Eastern European countries were chosen because they were the first states from the former communist bloc to sign concordats with the Holy See. The authors assumed that age, education and place of permanent residence would constitute important factors differentiating attitudes towards religion among the inhabitants of the two countries. The paper uses statistical data from Round 9 of the European Social Survey, compiled by the Institute of Philosophy and Sociology of the Polish Academy of Sciences in Warsaw. An analysis of data concerning attitudes towards faith has shown that Poles, regardless of their age, education and place of residence, are by far more religious than Hungarians are. However, both in Poland and in Hungary, the share of believers in the youngest age groups is lower than in the oldest groups. These data allow us to predict that in the next decades of the 21st century, secularisation processes will be progressing in both countries.

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A. Miarka: Patron-Client Relations in the Post-Soviet Area i(...) A. Miarka: Patron-Client Relations in the Post-Soviet Area in the 21st Century—The Case Study of Armenia and the Nagorno-Karabakh Republic

Nationalities papers

DOI: https://doi.org/10.1017/nps.2022.26

Abstract

The aim of the article is to analyze Armenia’s limited capacity to function as a patron of the Nagorno-Karabakh Republic (NKR). In the article, the author focused on the analysis of 3 levels of relations on the line Yerevan-Stepanakert: (1) the political dimension of bilateral relations; (2) the economic dimension of bilateral relations; (3) the security policy dimension, in particular the significance of the last phase of the armed conflict in Nagorno-Karabakh (2020) for the further shape of relations. In addition, the features that distinguish Armenia’s relations with the NKR from Russia’s relations with the de facto states for which it is a patron are highlighted. The results prove that mid-level states have a limited capacity to be a patron for de facto states, including being a guarantor of their survival.

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A. Miarka: Instrumentalization of the Fight against the COVI(...) A. Miarka: Instrumentalization of the Fight against the COVID-19 Pandemic in the Politics of Moldova

Problems of Post-Communism

DOI:10.1080/10758216.2021.1943448

Abstract

The aim of the article is to explain how the political forces in Moldova used the issue of fighting the COVID-19 pandemic to achieve their particular goals. The instrumentalization of the fight against the pandemic was particularly visible as an element of the political rivalry preceding the presidential election. The analysis of social data confirms that the pandemic situation has become another field of competition in the internal policy of the state, as is customary in Moldova during crises.

 

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