International Journal of Leadership in Education
DOI:10.1080/13603124.2024.2302062
This article explores rectors’ perceptions of the changes to university governance in Poland, especially the impact of lay members on university councils. We investigate whether these new governing bodies make Polish universities more relevant to the needs of the economy and society. Empirical data from a large-scale national survey of Polish public universities, carried out with the support of the Rectors’ Conference (KRASP), provide a mixed picture of how the university councils have been adopted and used in the governance process. On reflection, rectors regard university councils as benign, with respect to key values of Polish universities (institutional autonomy and self-governance) but largely ineffective in contributing to the decision-making process. Overall, the university councils represent an important but only symbolic change in the governance of Polish universities.
Journal for the Study of Religions and Ideologies
This paper aims to verify the research thesis stating that the combination of Islam and the digital, information and communications, and technological progress has both a bright (positive) and, unfortunately, a dominant, dark (negative) side. Islam and digital or ICT progress are not contradictory, and the proper use of digital tools, without resorting to violence, expansion or war, serves the development and strengthening of Islam. Nevertheless, in the twenty-first century digital progress has proven to be the phenomenon which most noticeably influenced the expansion of terrorist (jihadist) attitudes and has become a catalyst for the emergence and rapid development of cyber jihad within the cyber ummah. For Islamic fundamentalists, tradition remains crucial, but radical scholars in Islamic law argue that to defend that tradition against Western influences, one must embrace the latest and most advanced digital technologies. E-jihad has thus become one of the most effective forms of both offensive and defensive jihad, and it can be presumed that its development will continue in the coming decades. The popularity, consolidation, and development of e-jihad are directly proportional to digital progress.
Politics and Governance
This article addresses the issue of the role and importance of the young precariat for the functioning of the democratic system. Based on scenario planning, it presents three possible directions for the development of democracy in the context of meeting the needs of the young precariat. The first scenario assumes a continuation of the measures applied so far by democratic governments towards young precarious people related to social policy and the low representation of the young generation in politics. The second involves a move away from democracy towards non‐democratic systems, where the needs of precarious people are irrelevant. The third assumes a new approach among democratic governments to the needs of young precarious workers and the shaping of new social policies, as well as the creation of incentives for young precarious workers to be more widely involved in these policies. The empirical context for these considerations is an attempt to determine the possibility of the occurrence of each of these scenarios in Polish conditions, based on the results of qualitative studies conducted via asynchronous interviews with representatives of the young Polish precariat. The research relates to Poland and takes into account the characteristics of the Polish precariat. The article uses a mixed research methodology, combining different methods for solving research problems, including collecting, analyzing, interpreting, and presenting quantitative and qualitative data.
Studia Politologiczne
DOI:10.33896/SPolit.2024.73.15
Th e article aims to present the position of the Visegrad Group countries towards the war in Ukraine, which began on February 24, 2022 with the attack of the Russian Federation on this country. On the one hand, the aim is to show the motivation and actions of the authorities of the four Visegrad Group countries towards Russian aggression against Ukraine, as well as the forms and types of assistance provided to Ukraine by each country separately. On the other hand, the aim is to answer the question: how did Hungary’s different position affect cooperation within the Visegrad Group? What are the reasons for Hungary’s different approach to the war in Ukraine and Russia’s policy? It can be observed that the Czech Republic, Poland, and Slovakia presented a pro-Ukrainian position in their actions towards the war in Ukraine, while Hungary, unlike the other Visegrad countries, presented a pro-Russian position, which caused a crisis in cooperation within the Visegrad Group. Slovakia’s attitude changed to a more pro-Russian one after the Smer party, headed by Robert Fico, came to power at the end of 2023. Now we can observe the division of the Visegrad Group into two camps: Polish-Czech and Slovak-Hungarian.
Journal of Comparative Politics
Despite cognitive similarities, the relationship between religiosity and conspiracy beliefs remains ambiguous due to their heterogeneity and variation in cultural contexts. The Polish study addresses these discrepancies by using complementary measures, including the strength of faith, religious beliefs, experiences, and practices. Conspiracy theory beliefs were assessed using a generic measure and four specific theories on vaccination, the Ukrainian war, COVID-19, and 5G networks. An online survey was conducted, collecting 898 responses from conspiracy theory believers to explore the relationship. The results show that for generic conspiracist beliefs religious experience and religious beliefs emerge as positive determinants, while religious practices emerge as a negative determinant. For specific conspiracy theories on vaccination, the Ukrainian war, and 5G technology, the positive correlation occurs with the strength of faith and religious experience. None of the religious factors are statistically significant for COVID-19 conspiracy beliefs. The research findings highlight the need for more in-depth and comparative studies.
Politeja
DOI:10.12797/Politeja.20.2024.88.1.05
Enlargement policy is one of the most important in the functioning of the European Union (formerly the European Communities). Since the first accessions in the 1970s, the admission of new countries has been accompanied by actions aimed at reforming the EC (EU). Some of them ended in failure, but the connection between enlargement and reforms, which de facto meant deepening integration, is very clear. In the third decade of the 21st century, the enlargement process is being continued. And as with previous enlargements, attempts to reform the EU will undoubtedly be made now. However, this time it may prove even more difficult to implement them than in the past. Therefore, the main goal of this article is to try to answer the question of whether it is possible – and if so, how – to introduce reforms in the EU that would pave the way for the admission of new countries. In the absence of the possibility of revising the treaties on which the functioning of the EU is based, four variants of solving such an impasse and introducing changes in the functioning of the EU are theoretically possible. However, some of them are difficult and may actually represent very significant changes in the character of the EU.
Media, War and Conflict
This article explores key ethical and security challenges related to exploitation of open-source intelligence (OSINT) in research on online terrorist propaganda. In order to reach this objective, the most common approaches to OSINT-based projects are analysed through the lens of some of the most recognized ethical guidelines in science, which allowed several core dilemmas to be identified. First of all, this study discusses how personal data protection rules are applicable to investigations of potentially dangerous subjects, such as members and followers of Violent Extremist Organizations (VEOs). In addition, the author examines potential threats to the safety of researchers and the scientific infrastructure used in OSINT-based projects. He also discusses the risks of incidental findings and malevolent use of research results. Finally, drawing from existing legal regulations and good practices in other fields, as well as the author’s previous experience in OSINT-based analyses of online terrorist activities, this article explores basic means of tackling these dilemmas.
Media, War and Conflict
Based on open-source intelligence, social network analysis and comparative analysis, this study discusses the structure, evolution and most important features of the pro-Islamic State (IS) information ecosystem on the surface web between July 2023 and March 2024. It proves that the core of its propaganda distribution network is surprisingly centralized around three stand- alone domains, including one link directory – Fahras – and two propaganda repositories: I’lam and al-Raud. These webpages constitute the core of the ecosystem, densely interconnected with a broad range of secondary channels designed to lure online audiences to these hotspots of pro-IS communication. This centrality manifests a previously unnoticed shift in IS’s methods of designing and maintaining propaganda distribution networks. The study also shows that, despite frequent claims from stakeholders, IS has not abandoned exploiting mainstream social networks, although only some of them were preferred. On top of this, it proves that the pro-IS media bureaus continued to rely on a broad range of file-sharing services, including the Internet Archive, although the latter proved quite efficient in taking down its productions. Last but not least, IS confirms the continued interest of Daesh in exploiting several types of encrypted communication apps, such as Telegram and Rocket Chat.
Perspectives on Terrorism
This article, which combines social network analysis and open-source intelligence, discusses the functions, structure, and evolution of al-Qaeda’s (AQ) information ecosystem on the surface web in the second half of 2023. It argues that despite preferring Rocket Chat as a primary communication channel, this terrorist organisation developed an extensive and robust propaganda distribution network detectable from the surface web. The pro-AQ ecosystem on this Internet communication layer relied primarily on standalone websites, message boards, and blogs, interconnected with a broad range of file-sharing services and channels on encrypted communication apps. Aside from them, the group manifested limited activity on mainstream social media. In the second half of 2023, the group demonstrated resilience to content takedowns, as most of its key domains used to disseminate propaganda continued to be active under the same or changed URLs. This study shows that, in contrast to the Islamic State, alQaeda’s information ecosystem was largely decentralised, which was primarily caused by the differentiated approaches of its branches to maintaining their presence in this environment. The lack of centralisation of AQ’s propaganda distribution network may be considered both an advantage and a disadvantage. On the one hand, it potentially increases its resilience to content takedowns. On the other hand, however, it also demonstrates a lack of coordination between branches, which decreases their media operations’ potential efficiency and reach.
Sicurezza, Terrorismo e Società
This article, founded primarily on the combination of open-source intelligence (OSINT) and social network analysis (SNA), discusses the most important features of Hayat Tahrir al-Sham’s (HTS) propaganda campaign on the Internet between mid-2023 and February 2024. It proves that during this period, HTS maintained a relatively small but well-designed information ecosystem founded on two distinct pillars. The first was composed of three standalone websites, run by Amjad Foundation and Alaskary Media, which served as hotspots for pro-HTS strategic communication on the surface web. The second pillar was founded on several Telegram channels, which makes it similar to information ecosystems maintained by other Salafi-jihadist violent extremist organizations. This paper also demonstrates that in 2023 and 2024, HTS and its media offices visibly drifted away from most types of narratives and topics that could be associated with Salafi-jihadist terrorism, which seems to be a long-lasting priority in its strategic communication. However, its focus on militarism and the promotion of suicide attacks con- firms that HTS still constitutes a violent extremist organization that carries out a broad range of controversial activities and maintains links with more radical entities based in Idlib. Last, this study shows that Alaskary Media had much greater propaganda production capabilities than the Amjad Foundation. The latter, however, frequently produced technically better, alluring videos portraying the dynamically growing HTS’s military capabilities.
Behavioral Sciences of Terrorism and Political Aggression,
DOI:10.1080/19434472.2022.2164326
This paper maps communication channels exploited by the Salafi-jihadist violent extremist organisations (VEOs) and their followers between March 2020 and June 2022 on The Onion Router (TOR). It argues that the true scale of digital jihadist presence on TOR has remained insignificant for years. Militant Islamists have mostly used .onion domains as backup propaganda dissemination channels, which enable content takedown policies introduced by countering violent extremism stakeholders to be circumvented. Aside from propaganda distribution, TOR attracts Salafi-jihadist VEOs and their followers for other reasons, as it facilitates anonymous communication, crowdfunding, sharing of terrorist manuals or the organisation of terrorist attacks.
Przegląd Policyjny
Celem prezentowanego artykułu jest sprawdzenie, czy pandemia COVID-19 wpłynęła na poziom zaufania do policji oraz zdiagnozowanie, jakie czynniki powiązane są z tą formą zaufania. Porównanie danych z dwóch rund (9 i 10) ESS potwierdziło, że pandemia COVID-19 negatywnie wpłynęła na zaufanie do policji, szczególnie w Polsce, w której odnotowano największy spadek zaufania do tej formacji. W trakcie analizy sprawdzono również siłę związków między zaufaniem do policji a innymi formami zaufania instytucjonalnego, czynnikami politycznymi (wskaźniki obrazujące stan demokracji), ekonomicznymi (nierówności społeczne, PKB per capita, łatwość prowadzenia działalności gospodarczej) oraz kulturowymi (wymiary kultury narodowej autorstwa Geerta Hofstedego). Uzyskane wyniki wpisują się w ustalenia innych badaczy — zaufanie do policji w największym stopniu wiąże się z zaufaniem do innych instytucji (w szczególności systemu prawnego) oraz kondycją demokracji. Co istotne, nieco inne czynniki oddziałują na zaufanie do policji w państwach Europy Środkowej i Wschodniej. Na tym obszarze największe znaczenie mają takie zmienne jak efektywność rządu, praworządność i kontrola korupcji. Słabsze związki odnotowano natomiast w wypadku zmiennych instytucjonalnych (najważniejszych dla społeczeństw Europy Zachodniej). Co ciekawe, zaufanie do policji w Europie Środkowej i Wschodniej skorelowane było również z niektórymi czynnikami kulturowymi (dystans władzy i indywidualizm), które nie wykazywały statystycznej istotności w Europie Zachodniej.
Annales Universitatis Mariae Curie-Skłodowska, sectio K – Politologia
DOI:10.17951/k.2024.31.2.73-87
TikTok stał się w ostatnich latach najszybciej rozwijającym się medium społecznościowym. Jego potencjał zaczynają zauważać również politycy, który wykorzystują to medium do budowania politycznego wizerunku i przekonania do siebie najmłodszych wyborców. Celem prezentowanego artykułu jest zdiagnozowanie, w jaki sposób przekazy polityczne na TikToku wpływają na ocenę wybranych polskich polityków. Aby to sprawdzić, przeprowadziliśmy badanie quasi-eksperymentalne (N=197) z dwukrotnym pomiarem w jednej próbie. Jego wyniki potwierdzają, że TikTok można uznać za skuteczne narzędzie w procesie budowania wizerunku politycznego. Zaprezentowane przekazy pozytywnie wpłynęły na ocenę tych polityków, którzy umiejętnie wykorzystywali specyfikę TikToka, publikując treści o charakterze rozrywkowym. Pogłębiona analiza wykazała, że podatność na zmianę ocen polityków pod wpływem treści z TikToka wiąże się z płcią i preferencjami politycznymi, a mniejsze znaczenie w tej kwestii mają autoidentyfikacje ideologiczne odbiorców.
Journal of Comparative Politics
On April 10, 2010, ninety-six people died in the plane crash near Smolensk, including the President of the Republic of Poland, Lech Kaczyński. To this day, many conspiracies have grown around this event regarding the alleged assassination in which Russian secret services were supposed to be involved. The aim of the article is to diagnose how social identity created based on party identification affects conspiracy thinking connected with the presidential Tu-154 plane crash. We analyse research on belief in the Smolensk attack theory conducted by Polish opinion research centres in 2010-2022. They show that the voters of the Law and Justice party believe to a much greater extent that the Smolensk catastrophe is, in fact, an assassination of President Lech Kaczyński ordered by Vladimir Putin. The conducted analysis confirms that the political dimension of social identity (conceptualized in the study as trust in Law and Justice government and party identification) determines the endorsement of the Smolensk conspiracy. This factor is more important for belief in the assassination theory than such factors as conspiracy mentality, gender, age, place of residence, and education.
Problems of Post-Communism
DOI:10.1080/10758216.2022.2152839
The research note considers the impact of mobilization events on Polish–Belarusian relations. I analyze and characterize the states’ relations prior to the protests in Belarus in 2020, and identify the most important problems in their relations. Poland’s attitude toward the mass mobilization of Belarusian society and its reception by the Lukashenko regime is described. In the last section, I explain the impact of the Russian–Ukrainian war on Poland’s relations with Belarus. The research demonstrates that the events analyzed transformed bilateral relations, generating a crisis between the states.
Polish Political Science Yearbook
The article aims to explain Navalny’s team’s political strategy after his arrest, focusing on the activity before the State Duma elections. This is an important issue from the point of view of the impact of leadership on a political organization in a system evolving from a hybrid regime to an authoritarian regime. As confirmed by the author’s research, the organization adapts to new conditions without a leader. Still, it is predestined to disintegrate and reduce the effectiveness of implementing the updated political strategy.
Law and Humanities
DOI:10.1080/17521483.2024.2384791
This paper aims at an interdisciplinary analysis of the various roles of prejudice and discrimination in fantasy. It focuses on the ways the storyworlds of The Witcher and The Lord of the Rings portray racial discrimination. Reading the books of J.R.R. Tolkien and Andrzej Sapkowski through jurisprudential lenses allows us to draw conclusions as to the meaning of the implicit and explicit presentation of discriminatory practices by authors in storyworlds. Remarks on movie and TV series adaptations are included to develop transmedia storytelling analysis.
China Information
The construction of China’s social credit system (SCS) involves numerous bureaucratic agents who develop mechanisms aimed at contributing to the SCS’s overall objective of building mutual trust in society. This article traces the development of centrally designed censorship-related SCS mechanisms and examines them in a broader regulatory context. In doing so, we examine the effects that single SCS solutions produce for particular areas of governance, and the impact of bureaucratic interests on the proposed mechanisms and the entire SCS. The findings reveal that agents design mechanisms which support the underlying logic of their governance areas but which often diverge from the core SCS assumption of strengthening trustworthiness in society by raising the cost of violating legal provisions. This article also argues that, despite the trend towards centralization and controlling institutions, the ability of the Chinese party-state to develop a novel, complex, and coherent project may already be compromised at the central level due to the interplay of bureaucratic self-interests. Even though constructing the SCS has involved testing and introducing innovative mechanisms, these often fail to serve the project’s core assumption. As a result, long-existing mechanisms that now serve the SCS punitive regime may be more potent than the novel solutions in raising the cost of violating legal provisions.
Problems of Post-Communism
DOI:10.1080/10758216.2024.2382760
The research note examines the causes, methods, and manifestations of promoting and defending Catholic and broader Christian values in Poland’s foreign policy from the end of 2015 to 2023. First, I summarize the essential religious issues in Poland’s foreign policy after 1989. Second, I explore the “diplomacy of values” of Law and Justice, which positioned itself as a defender of Christianity and Christians worldwide. Using the example of foreign aid, I demonstrate the increased significance of religion in Poland’s external activity. Finally, I discuss the reasons for the “religious turn” in Poland in the international and national dimensions.
Nationalities papers
This article analyzes the trauma of war present in the collective memory of the inhabitants of the village of Bojszowy. It may transform into a cultural trauma that significantly determines the community’s identity. Combining four strands of literature—memory studies, nationalist studies, historical studies, and psychological studies—the authors argue that in the community under study, the trauma connected with Upper Silesians’ service in the Wehrmacht during World War II constitutes such a collective cultural trauma. Based on the study of the collective memory of the Silesian community and interviews with the Silesian intellectual elite, the article analyzes in detail how the memory of these events has changed the identity of the Upper Silesian community in recent years. This does not mean that we underestimate the importance of the other elements that make up the Upper Silesian tragedy. A combination of local circumstances meant that the service of Silesians in the Wehrmacht was crucial to the occurrence of cultural trauma (in J. Alexander’s terms).
Synthese
DOI:10.1007/s11229-024-04627-7
This article contributes to the discussion regarding the relationship between idealisation, de-idealisation and cognitive scientific progress. In this, I raise the question of the significance of the gradual de-idealisation procedure for constructing political science theories. I show that conceptions that assume the reversibility of the idealisation process can be an extremely useful theoretical perspective in reconstructions of political science modelling and analyses of scientific progress in political science. I base my position on the results of the methodological reconstruction of Richard Jankowski’s theory of voting. My reconstruction and results of empirical studies show that by gradually removing simplifying assumptions, models can emerge that more accurately identify the determinants of the voting decision and the corresponding relationships. In the case I analysed, the transition from coarse-grained to fine-grained models likely demarcates the line of scientific progress.
Foundations of Science
DOI:10.1007/s10699-022-09843-3
The purpose of this essay is to present and analyse the basic assumptions of Leszek Nowak’s conception of the unity of science. According to Nowak, the unity of science is manifested in the common application of the method of idealisation in scientific research. In accordance with his conception, regardless of the discipline they represent, researchers go through the same stages in building a theory. Two key ones among them are: introducing idealising assumptions into the representation and then their concretisation. In this view, idealisation is the basis of the scientific method, while other cognitive procedures complement it. Nowak’s conception has particular relevance in the context of the dispute between naturalism and anti-naturalism and in the context of the continuing rift between social scientists and natural scientists. It calls into question the anti-naturalist thesis of the ontological uniqueness of social sciences and the resulting methodological consequences. I argue that Nowak’s conception is a cognitively valuable contribution to the contemporary epistemology of science, but it also has weaknesses, mainly due to the limitations of applying the idealisation-concretisation scheme in research practice. For it turns out, as I point out in this essay, that many idealising assumptions are not subject to concretisation and that concretisations do not always condition an increase in the explanatory and/or predictive power of the representations.